China Perspectives 2009/2

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1989, a Watershed in Chinese History?

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China Perspectives 2009/2

China - Tiananmen

June 4th: Memory and Ethics Page 4

Perry Link

In this essay I look first at some general problems of memory and of how events are retold from memory. Then I focus on memory of June Fourth and divide the question by asking how three categories of people—perpetrators, victims, and bystanders—have remembered, failed to remember, or tried to alter memory. The tripartite division of “perpetrators, victims, and bystanders” is not perfect but I find it illuminating. Nearly all the questions that come up have moral implications, so I call the essay “memory and ethics”. I draw upon examples from literature, memoir, journalism, film, and personal acquaintance.

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The Impact of the June 4th Massacre on the pro-Democracy Movement Page 18

Merle GoldmanJean Philippe Béja

The Chinese pro-democracy movement crushed by the People’s Liberation Army on 4 June 1989 was preceded by many protests by intellectuals. The crackdown deprived the democrats of their protectors in the Party, and forced them to change strategies. Unable to organise large-scale demonstrations, dissidents launched petitions demanding respect for human rights and reversal of the official verdict on June 4th. They were joined by the Tiananmen Mothers, who became a new force in the pro-democracy movement. Yet, China’s democracy activists remain largely isolated from the rest of society.

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The Chinese Liberal Camp in Post-June 4th China Page 30

Feng Chongyi

This paper is an assessment of Chinese liberal intellectuals in the two decades following June 4th. It provides an analysis of the intellectual development of Chinese liberal intellectuals; their attitudes toward the party-state, economic reform, and globalisation; their political endeavours; and their contributions to the project of constitutional democracy in China.

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The Politicisation of China’s Law-Enforcement and Judicial Apparatus Page 42

Willy Lam Wo-lap

The Chinese Communist Party has politicised the judicial and law-enforcement apparatus despite Beijing’s avowed commitment to global norms. This paper shows how, in the wake of the 4 June 1989 crackdown, the CCP leadership enhanced its control over the courts and procuratorates so as to boost its capacity to punish dissidents, separatists, and other destabilising elements. Despite President Hu Jintao’s slogan of “running the country according to law,” the prospect for rule of law and judicial independence remains illusory.

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The Chinese Communist Party and June 4th: Or how to get out of it and get away with it Page 52

Michel Bonnin

The spring 1989 democracy movement and the massacre of June 4th were a serious challenge to the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. Twenty years on the Party appears to have successfully overcome it, but at the price of a return to the political fundamentals of a Leninist party-state and the use of nationalism as a replacement source of legitimacy. Despite all its efforts to conceal and deform the true history of the 1989 “disturbances” (as demonstrated in school and university text books), the party has not succeeded in ridding itself of this stain on its history. Questions about recognition of responsibility and a possible “reconciliation” continue to haunt it.

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The Impact of the Tiananmen Crisis on China’s Economic Transition Page 63

Barry Naughton

The social and economic model that emerged out of the Tiananmen crisis was profoundly different from that contemplated on the eve of Tiananmen. China made a firm transition to a high-input, high investment, high growth model of development. The broad but vague social consensus in favor of political and economic reforms that underlay the Tiananmen protests crumbled, while the economy boomed and some people became much better off. In the post- Tiananmen period a strong economic logic and a strong political logic coincided to produce a policy regime that was remarkably consistent and strongly self-replicating.

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A Shadow over Western Democracies: China’s Political Use of Economic Power Page 80

Wu Guoguang

This paper investigates how China’s success in economic development negatively influences civil liberties and democracy as practiced in the West, and asks why the growing economic interdependence between China and the global economy enables China to intervene in the political conduct of leading democracies but not vice versa. Empirically, the paper examines cases of Chinese foreign relations behaviour in which China uses its economic connections with various leading industrial democracies to bend their international political behaviour regarding visits by the Dalai Lama. It also highlights how economic interests relating to the Chinese market make multinational corporations vulnerable to Beijing’s political pressure, and analyses why international capital is easily lured to cooperate with the Chinese repressive state to curb freedom in and outside China. It argues that the new political economy of globalisation in the post-Cold War era explains the rise of this kind of dictator’s diplomacy, and that post- Tiananmen China has greatly contributed to the shaping of a new political economy characterised by state-market collaboration in promoting material prosperity.

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The Tiananmen Incident and the Pro-Democracy Movement in Hong Kong Page 91

Joseph Y. S. Cheng

While refusing to allow any erosion of the Communist Party’s monopoly of political power, the Chinese leadership has proven very skilful in meeting emerging challenges in the era of economic reform and opening to the outside world since the Tiananmen Incident. Retaining its belief that economic growth remains the key to Hong Kong’s social and political stability, the Chinese government preserves the united front framework in its Hong Kong policy, with no intention of introducing genuine democracy.

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Current Affairs

China Analysis – Les Nouvelles de Chine Page 102

Camille BondoisMathieu Duchâtel

Analysis by Camille Bondois based on:
• Yu Jieyun, “Proposals for transferring pension funds,” Xuexi Ribao(Study Times), 2 February 2009.
• Chen Shanzhe, “According to the Ministry of Social Security, provincial level pension funds will be set up within a year,” Nanfang Zhoumo(Southern Weekend), 3 February 2009.
Analysis by Mathieu Duchâtel based on:
• Zhang Liangui, “Lacking a bottom line, Americans have become mired in North Korea’s nuclear imbroglio,” Huanqiu Ribao (Global Times), 3 March 2009.

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Review Essay

The Great Reversal Page 106

Jean-François Huchet

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Book Reviews

Andrew C. Mertha, China’s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change Page 114

Christoph H. Steinhardt

Yongnian Zheng, De Facto Federalism in China: Reforms and Dynamics of Central-Local Relations Page 117

Christian Göbel

Seungho Lee, Water and Development in China. The Political Economy of Shanghai Water Policy Page 119

Thibaud Voïta

David Shambaugh and Gudrun Wacker, eds., American and European Relations with China: Advancing Common Agendas Page 121

Jean-Pierre Cabestan

David M. Lampton, The Three Faces of Chinese Power: Might, Money, and Minds Page 122

Barrett L. McCormick

Susan Greenhalgh, Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng’s China Page 124

Ellen R. Judd

Jiang Rong, Le Totem du loup, (Wolf Totem) translated by Yan Hansheng and Lisa Carducci Page 125

Noël Dutrait

Carolyn Chen, Getting Saved in America: Taiwanese Immigration and Religious Experience Page 128

Hayet Sellami

Alan M. Wachman, Why Taiwan? Geostrategic Rationales for China’s Territorial Integrity Page 129

Yves-Heng Lim

Louis Augustin- Jean and Florence Padovani (ed.), Hong Kong Économie, société, culture Page 131

Nicolas Douay

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