CEFC

10 June 2013

CHINA – POLITICS

June Fourth in China

  1. Ming Pao: “內地在六四前夕的氣氛則趨緊張,北京警方加強管控,力度之大往年罕見,「天安門母親」昨被公安阻止前往兒子遇難的木樨地拜祭,丁子霖發出公開信譴責當局。本報記者昨午到木樨地附近時亦被公安攔截、查驗證件,並要求記者離開,至傍晚更被公安約談。無綫電視駐北京辦事處更被公安登門造訪,重申採訪「規矩」,有線電視的採訪車則被人跟蹤。”
  2. Analysis:
  3. Johnny Lau: “平反「六四」的阻力”: “三種中共自我設限的阻力”
    1. “第一是來自江澤民及其他政治老人的阻力”: “江澤民手上延續「欽點」的權力,怎會隨便違背江澤民的意旨來平反「六四」呢?此外,李鵬等與「六四」有直接關係的當年決策者仍然在世,雖然已沒有實權,但他們出於自身的利益,只會支持江澤民的決定,繼續成為平反「六四」的巨大阻力”
    2. “第二是來自當今中共高層的集體阻力”: “他們感到,如果平反「六四」的缺口一旦打開,人民就會不斷追究中共歷史上的其他過失和罪孽,包括「反右」和文革… 即使是新上台的中共領導人,也要維繫本身的既得利益,與江澤民等同聲同氣,誓死參與「政權保衛戰」。習近平上台後,最近傳出中共高層下達「七不講」的指示,包括不准講新聞言論自由,不准講普世價值,不准講中共的歷史錯誤,就是源於這種擔心牽一髮而動全身的恐懼”
    3. “第三是來自中共統治性質所決定的阻力”: “從管治文化的角度看,中共其實是中國歷代封建王朝的延續。昔日是「家天下」的王朝治國,今天則是「黨天下」的集團治國… 集體姓「共」”
  4. NYT: “The immersion of today’s leaders in the political experimentation of the 1980s raises the question of whether they will be more open to new ideas and discussion than their immediate predecessors in high office”
    1. Li Keqiang: “socialized with Hu Ping and Wang Juntao, two firebrands who threw themselves into the unbridled student elections of 1980… sometimes joined in campus salons, where students stayed up late into the night debating electoral politics, Western philosophy and the excesses of authoritarian rule.”
    2. Wang Qishan: “won prominence in the early 1980s as one of the “four reform gentlemen,” young intellectuals who advocated shifting away from a rigidly planned economy. Later that decade, he sat on the editorial committee of Toward the Future, a series of books avidly read by students.”

More controversial articles

After the essay by Yang Xiaoqing on the incompatibility of constitutionalism with China (see previous press meeting, 憲政與人民民主制度之比較研究), three more essays within the week:

  1. May 22, Liu Yazhou (刘亚洲) on People’s Daily: “堅守神聖的「黨性」”
    1. “相信的就是“党性”,也如同基督徒相信“上帝” … 惟有重视党性修养,加强党性锻炼,高扬党性旗帜,把“党性”当作做人的“地”,把“党性”当作为官的“天””
  2. May 22, PLA Daily: “中國夢的自信在哪裏”
    1. “面对当今复杂多变的国际环境、艰巨复杂的国内改革发展任务、党所面临的严峻考验和危险,极大地增强同心共筑中国梦的自信,首要的是始终同心坚守中国特色社会主义信仰,笃信“我们信仰的主义,乃是宇宙的真理””
  3. May 14, Fenghuang, Liu Xiaofeng: “今天宪政的最大难题是如何评价毛泽东”
    1. “我们宪政最大的难题就是如何评价毛泽东,实际上毛泽东是中国学界和中国历史上的大问题,问题就在于,谁是中国现代的国父呢?…毛泽东的功绩大家都要承认,可是,由于他在后期搞的文革等等,就使得人们对他人民民主的构想产生了极大的怀疑。我们要知道,文化大革命当然是人民民主,人 民民主基本理念是平等,美国平等,我还要比它更平等。美国黑人运动是在什么时候发动?文革大革命。所以严格来讲,美国人的平等还是在中国的刺激下出来的。”
    2. “我们共和百年留下的伤痕,这个伤痕我简单提两个东西。第一,我们中华民族政治共同体还没有统一,谁在阻挡我们中国的统一呢?美国。美国给台湾提供军事保 护,背后是什么理念?我们没有质疑挑战这种理念。第二个就是毛泽东,我们看一下我们中国现在对于一个国父的评价是极为分裂的,一部分人恨的不得了,一部分 人爱的不得了,我们可以说这是精神上的内战。我们看一下,哪个一个民族国家的国父,是有一半人恨他一半人爱他的?这不是很奇怪吗?”

Other politics updates

  1. Chen Xitong passed away: Xinhua reported on June 5 that Chen had died on June 2, Sunday, from cancer. Obituary by IHT: “few politicians in China are likely to pass as little mourned as Mr. Chen.”
  2. Liu Zhijun’s trial on Sunday on charges of bribery and abuse of power: “Liu had taken advantage of his position and helped 11 people in promotion and wining project contracts, and accepted 64.6 million yuan in bribes from them between 1986 to 2011”
  3. First Zhiqing Arts Festival held in Hong Kong: Attendee Hu Fayun warns against the continued use of red songs to validate the legitimacy of the party. Criticized the central leadership not dealing with the Bo Xilai affair seriously enough: 现在不但未有反思,甚至在保护,起码是对中国的一种毒害.

On a side note, interesting article on Nanfang Zhoumou on the decline of the red song market after the release of the Eight Regulations (中央政治局关于改进工作作风、密切联系群众的八项规定)

 

CHINA – DIPLOMACY

Foreign Relations

  1. China in Africa: Police in Ghana rounding up Chinese workers suspected of illegally mining for gold. Immigration Service said that 124 illegal Chinese gold prospectors had been detained in Accra. Photographs by those who escaped showed poor conditions at detention. Most will likely face deportation.
  2. There are approximately 50,000 Chinese gold miners in Ghana, two thirds of which are from villages in the impoverished county of Shanglin in Guangxi. Over 1,000 demonstrated in Guangxi calling on the government to intervene.
  3. Most able-bodied young men go to Ghana: “so easy” to find a guarantor to get loans from rural credit cooperatives and local banks “if you just say you’re going to Ghana.”
  4. Miners would pay owners for land-use rights of the farmland and compensation for land planted with crops and trees. All else depends on luck – how much gold the site can produce.
  5. The gold rush to Ghana began in 2005. Since about 2012 there has been more and more cases of violence against Chinese in Ghana. The Chinese government focused on helping big SOEs in Ghana but has few guidelines in regulating and helping individual Chinese miners.
  6. For more on how China in Ghana has affected local politics in Ghana, refer to December 2012 essays on the Ghanaian election by the Chinese press.
  7. China in the US: Xi meeting with Obama

 

CHINA – SOCIETY

Aging population

Publication of the National Baseline Survey of the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS) in May 2013. Conducted by international and Chinese scholars, covered 17,708 individuals across 28 of China’s 31 provinces, partly funded by the Chinese government:

  1. “9% of Chinese over 60 live in poverty, 38.1% have difficulty completing daily activities on their own, and 40% show high symptoms of depression”
  2. Albert Park, HKUST professor: China unique in encountering a serious problem with aging while still being relatively poor
  3. “More than 90% of the elderly population is now covered by health insurance, but out-of-pocket costs remain high.”

Human rights activists

  1. Liu Hui, brother in law of Liu Xiaobo, received 11-year sentence on charges of financial fraud: “Chinese officials accuse Mr Liu, the manager of a real estate company in Shenzhen, of working with a colleague to steal 3 million renminbi, or nearly $500,000, from a man named Zhang Bing through a complicated fraud scheme.”
  2. Mother and eldest brother of Chen Guangcheng granted passports to visit Chen in the US ahead of Sino-US summit.

 

HONG KONG – POLITICS

Latest from Occupy Central

Sunday June 9: First deliberation day (商討日) successfully held attended by 700 participants (~600 invited guests, ~100 randomly selected citizens). Name list of some of the invited participants. Divided into 40 small groups for discussion. Product of deliberation: 7 main points to be deliberated upon at the October deliberation day.

Organizers: Deliberation day cost HK$200,000, so far only raised $10,000-20,000

Reactions:

  1. CY Leung on Sunday: 政府未推動政改諮詢亦未有政改方案下,「去搞一些犯法、破壞社會秩序的行動」,令人質疑是「為犯法而犯法」,他認為佔中根本不可能和平、不犯法。
  2. Scholarism: Agree with the general direction of Occupy Central, but will not participate because of the way it is organized: Out of touch with the grassroots; too many restrictions in place.
  3. Ming Pao: Survey of participants in deliberation day: 37% undecided over whether they will participate
  4. Regina Ip on SCMP: “Is it really necessary for the organisers to go to such provocative lengths to force Beijing to respond? Have they calculated the risks and downsides of the mass occupation of Central district turning sour, triggering a violent confrontation and even the unleashing of the People’s Liberation Army onto the scene? Or is that the real, covert purpose of the organisers – provoking a mini-Tiananmen incident in Hong Kong?”
  5. Allen Lee and Ching Cheung: Be mentally prepared that bloodshed is possible.

Other pressures/attacks on Occupy Central:

  1. Pressure on local academics in organizing academic exchange to debate nativist movements. Co-China summer camp organized by 一五一十基金會 、 香港中文大學公民社會研究中心:
    1. “數日前,我們收到警告,被要求即刻停辦今年的Co-China夏令營,否則就要承擔甚為嚴重的後果。理事會召開緊急會議,經過對每種可能的充分討論和仔細權衡,我們做出了停辦今年夏令營的決定… 這個決定的做出絕對不僅因為我們個人受到的壓力,而是綜合各方訊息,包括一些申請者被找談話、轉發過夏令營訊息的大陸高校官方微博被要求寫情況說明等等。”
    2. Chan Kin-man: Perhaps due to his direct links with Occupy Central
  2. Appointment of CY adviser, Leonard Cheng Kwok-Hon, as chairman of Lingnan University. Cheng (鄭國漢) is currently dean professor at UST’s business school, and was one of the 11 members of Leung’s election campaign team. He had previously voiced his support for national education, and also made clear that he does not support students breaking the law for social movements.
    1. Probable appointment of another Leung supporter as chairman of Open University: Wong Yuk-shan (黃玉山), currently professor at UST. Seen as “deep red” member:
    2. Apple Daily: “梁慕嫺在去年出版《我與香港地下黨》一書中寫道:「當時階級鬥爭的弦都繃得很緊,幾名以左派自詡的骨幹,突然把矛頭對準一名他們以為有疑點的青年,將其 召其到辦公室,用幾小時對其窮追獲打,以毛(澤東)的階級法律私設公堂審訊,像大陸的紅衞兵,簡直無法無天。」該青年被開除出去,此人正是黃玉山。”
    3. Ming Pao: “黃玉山昨澄清,「現在、從來也不是地下黨員」,強調從沒有加入政黨,但承認中學階段曾參加學友社活動,而現時港區人大代表的身分亦容易惹人猜想”
  3. Earlier: Attack on Heep Yunn School for inviting Benny Tai to speak
    1. Article by Caring Hong Kong Power published on Wen Wei Po: “不能讓「佔中」魔掌伸進校園”
    2. On a side note: Feature report on new red organizations by Ming Pao’s Sunday Living
  4. Wen Wei Po published statistics showing strong opposition to Occupy Central. Research conducted by Hong Kong Research Association, an organization founded in 2004. Its board members have links to the Hong Kong New Generation Cultural Association, a pro-establishment public charity organization with close ties to Beijing.
    1. “香港研究協會負責人認為,此次民調反映大部分市民擔憂「佔領中環」行動會衝擊香港的法治精神、擾亂社會秩序及損害本港經濟,顯示有關行動並未得到大部分市民的認同。他又呼籲,社會各界人士應尊重市民的意見,在不損害公眾利益的前提下,以大部分市民能接受的方式去探討適合香港及各方接受的普選方案,共同推動 香港的民主政制發展。”

Meanwhile, new survey conducted by Baptist University shows unwillingness to be recognized solely as “Chinese” among Hong Kong youth:

  1. Age group 18-29: “只有4%承認自己是中國人;最多人(65%)承認自己是「香港中國人」,認同自己是「香港人」的為 19%。另外,民調訪問9218歲以上學生,當中無人認同自己是「中國人」,最多只承認自己是「中國香港人」,認同自己是「香港中國人」者最多。”
  2. Greatest dissatisfaction with government comes from within public servants: “認為政府施政「非常不公」的受訪者中,比例最高的是公務員。認為政府施政「非常不公」的受訪公務員(包括現任及退休)達76%,而來自房委員、醫管局等公職及非牟利機構的受訪者中,也有70%持同一觀點。”

Source: House News. See link above.

June Fourth vigil

  1. Further development on the debate over slogan “愛國愛民、香港精神” proposed by HK Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China
  2. Apple Daily headline: “90後主持燭光集會”: “21歲的林兆彬,今晚會承傳六四薪火,在維園的燭光集會擔大旗做主持。面對本土派對「愛國」口號的爭議,他認為,悼念六四,從來都是本土事件。”
  3. The use of cross-cultural popular symbols in creative resistance:《進擊的中共》悼六四:“ 動漫作品《進擊的巨人》,今年被動畫化後更受本地觀眾歡迎。臨近六四,有網民把其開場畫面重新剪輯,加進八九民運的片段,配以動畫主題曲和本來就非常激動人心的中譯歌詞… 有人讀到故事情節與香港政治處境有暗合之處,例如有網民把三道圍牆改作「人權法治」、「一國兩制」和「文明道德」,而正如故事發展,最外的「文明道德」牆已被打破。”

Excerpt of select commentaries on June Fourth:

  1. Ming Pao editorial: 「愛國愛民」讓路給「愛國愛黨」? 荒謬!
    1. 八九民運的最根本精神,就是愛國;支聯會領導香港市民堅持要求平反六四事件,最主要的精神支柱,就是愛國;若六四事件抽走愛國,則八九民運算什麼呢?若支聯會與愛國剝離,還靠什麼號召市民?”
    2. “當權者愈扭曲愛國、民主,民間社會、特別是在香港,更需要堅持和宣揚真正的愛國和民主… 支聯會的愛國愛民口號,切合香港實際需要,因為現在社會充斥着扭曲了的「愛國愛黨」準則,愛國愛民本來可以起到激濁揚清效用,只是愛國被污名化了,使得提到愛國,就會被認為向北京獻媚,等同「犯罪」。”
  2. Vic – 我以為,八九民運的靈魂是自由民主
    1. 八九民運最根本的精神,根本不是愛國,而是反貪腐、爭民主、要自由;民主與自由,才是八九民運的靈魂。”
    2. “當年北京學生與市民為 何如此強調他們的運動是愛國的?卑見認為,那主要是對中共動亂說的回應,是出於自保的一種自我標籤,目的有如掛出「中國人」的招牌,希望同為「中國人」的 中共軍人,不至於「中國人打中國人」。當然,我們都知道,這塊「愛國」招牌,根本發揮不了作用;中國人不僅會打中國人,而且會絕不手軟地屠殺中國人。”
  3. 練乙錚 – 六四的晚上 愛國的黃昏
    1. “港人对「国家」的抗拒情绪和疏离感遂与日俱增,「爱国」一辞竟在不少年轻人、本土派当中极速成为污秽辞,这反映新一代对国家民族观念的质变、裂变。有论者指出,如果年年六四到维园的人忽然都掉头说:唔关我事了,那才是今后北京管治香港的最大危机。此论一语中的,有台湾的经验可作类比。”
  4. 鄧小樺 – 六四二十四:香港,需要距離--本土與國家認同的個人思考
    1. “誇張中國與香港的距離,或是欲徹底消抹這個距離,同樣會置香港本土於狹隘、自我斷裂、並有實際危險的狀况中。”
    2. “出於「本土利益」而對人命無感,是明目張膽的自私。而對於尚未經歷過的九十後而言,叫他們不要理會六四,太容易太便宜了,這樣號召的人簡直是反啟蒙、鼓吹蒙昧。如果有人為這種反啟蒙的蒙昧自私,掛上「本土」的帽子,絕對不能接受。”
  5. 張倩燁、劉項 – 六四去中國化風暴香港愛國標準大辯論
    1. “十五萬人出席維園燭光晚會,以實際行動力頂「去中國化」逆流,顯示大多數香港人已將平反六四的訴求,內化為香港歷史記憶。香港人要有更多的自信,但也要同時加強對中國大陸的認識,而不是只有莫名的畏懼,或是鴕鳥式的逃避,避免被本土派誤導,並拒絕將中國和中國人污名化。
  6. 安徒 – 民主派的偏安主義
    1. “民主派在六四之后的表现,也并不是「先中国之忧而忧」,不是陷身于「支援民运」而不能自拔,而正正就是美其名为保留实力,长期斗争,实质上却是在精神意识上放弃民主运动,稳固一种配合「河水不犯井水」论的「偏安」之局。支联会年年举办六四纪念的纯粹仪式,正好就是这种「偏安」论路线的其中一种配置。因此之故,六四纪念一定要「非政治化」和不引起争议。六四活动不能成为扩大民主运动,广泛动员群众的平台,而是一开始就要把六四用保守主义的方式「本土化」,要来充当民主派「偏安主义」政治妥协的工具。
  7. 孔誥烽 – 六四悼念一定要堅持 ,也要去中國化
    1. “在1989-1990年中共的惶恐和香港对中共突破国际封锁的特殊战略价值的前提下,若本土起义得以成局、民主派提出97年全面实行普选等要求,中共是很可能会妥协的…8964后香港民主派领导人主动缴械,令香港人错失起义良机,连在极反动的基本法版本通过之时,也完全无力抵抗。89民运本来为香港带来的抗争精神,被当时的支联会压了下去。香港市民没有欠支联会,而支联会却欠了香港市民,背负取消三罢抗争的原罪。在以后的悼念集会中,市民只能被动地寄希望于苍天有眼、忠良之士有日终得到昭雪平反,像中国历代屁民六月吃粽悼念屈原般。整个事情,忽然变得十分中国,弥漫著一片懦弱自欺的忠君爱国毒雾。”

Plan B?

Joseph Lian: “張某出事,對行會無影響,對梁氏在北京眼中的地位卻大有影響。習李對他的評價,肯定愈來愈認為他是一個扶不起的劉阿斗;而習李亦必估計到,物以類聚,梁班 子裏已爆煲未爆煲的人當中,空心老倌、問題人物,當不止已證實的那三四個。很可能,西環已收明確指示:「此子可輔則輔之,不可輔,則可取而代之。」七一年年有,北京沒有道理任由這個梁攤子爛下去。況且,梁氏登台,建制派馬上四分五裂,現在更有人指其中一派有與泛民合流之嫌。如是者,北京豈可對梁這件負資產 不感到強烈的「買者悔意」?沒有Plan B,不等於沒有Pl

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